The Road To Communism Karl Marx. Over The Years, People

The Road to Communism: Karl Marx Over the years, people have interpreted Karl Marx’s work incorrectly and sometimes only partially. Since his explanation of communism, people have changed what they think communism really is. In present day if someone tells someone they are communist, they picture a society oppressed by its government. They picture removal of all their private belongings and burglary of their finances to be distributed amongst society as a whole. Societies and governments have over simplified Karl Marx’s description of communism and altered some of it to fit their situations. In Marx’s piece, he first states his initial views of how society is, then he analyzes the issues and contradictions within capitalism, and then†¦show more content†¦Marx explains that men produce these ideas, and they are, therefore, dependent on the historical time period, for men’s thoughts change. These ideas that seem so important and detrimental to socie ty do not decide what men are because men are defined by their production. â€Å"Men are the producers of their concepts†¦Consciousness can never be anything else than conscious existence, and the existence of men is their actual life-process† (Denise – Marx 190). Marx describes that these supernatural ideas and moral dilemmas are simply decided based on economic status. Marx continues this by explaining that in order to define reality, one must not do this based off what men think and say, but one must focus on what men do. â€Å"We set out from real, active men, and on the basis of their real life-process we demonstrate the development of the ideological reflexes and echoes of this life-process† (Denise – Marx 190). Marx describes all of this to say that these things are defined based on the specific society’s economic status. Meaning that men are defined not by their moral or religious values, but by their production and their process. Marx defines these times in history through whether they had a class system or not. He titles three times in history: the primitive, the ancient, and then the medieval. The primitive was the tribal way of living; people lived for their community. There was no division of labor; each person in the tribe wereShow MoreRelatedThe Three Major Philosophies Established During the 1900s Essay1335 Words   |  6 Pagessocialism, communism, and fascism. Socialism was never officially promoted, but the Bolsheviks, the elite group when Lenin was in power in Russia, thought socialism could be achieved by moderate reforms such as higher wages, increased suffrage, and social welfare. Communism was promoted by Lenin, his successor, and Stalin. Lenin developed the New Economic Policy, or NEP. Lenin just saw the New Economic Policy as a temporary retreat from communism. 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Salem Witch Trials Paranoia Essay - 1629 Words

In the 1680’s and 1690’s there was mass hysteria in New England over supposed witchcraft. The most famous outbreak was in Salem, Massachusetts, hence the name Salem Witch Trials. In Salem, there were young girls who started acting strangely, and they leveled accusations of witchcraft against some of the West Indian servants who were immersed in voodoo tradition. Most of the accusations were against women, and soon the accusations started to shift to the substantial and prominent women. Neighbors accused other neighbors, husbands accused their wives, etc. and it kept going on for a while. There was this nature of evil and the trials didn’t end until nineteen Salem residents were put to death in 1692, more importantly before the girls†¦show more content†¦The nature of evil was spread by Satan and the people that followed, which were witches. Acts of witchcraft was one of the greatest crimes a person could commit, that is punishable by death. When the group of girls were acting strange and got accused of being witches, everyone started pointing fingers. There was the paranoia that any person could be a part of a conspiracy that was created by the devil caused false accusations to be spread around. This paranoia was used to make false accusations on many innocent citizens because people were trying not to take the focus away from themselves. There was research that was done on those that were accused and what it showed was that most of the accusations were against middle-age women who had few or no children and were widowed. The accused witches â€Å"were of low social position, and because of some domestic conflicts, they were accused of other crimes and were considered abrasive† (Brinkley, 86). by other people around them. Once a person was accused of being under the influence of the devil, which is a big offence, they would start to be treated differently from the rest. It wasn’t the actual presence of Sa tan that caused this chaos, but the anxiety and fear of him that did. The Puritan society had very little tolerance to women who had independence and those who had come into possession of land and property on their own challenged theShow MoreRelatedSalem Witch Trials And Mccarthyism Are Similar Essay1230 Words   |  5 PagesOctober 18, 2016 How Salem Witch Trials and McCarthyism are Similar In this process essay the reader will learn how the Salem Witch Trials and McCarthyism are similar. Both situations ended up taking on a mob mentality. The Salem Witch Trials started in 1690s when the Trials began, and by the end, over 200 people were accused of witchcraft. The people had a strong belief of the devil and were very religious. 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The word art is somehow â€Å"controversial, especially in contemporary philosophy† because it relies on different AOK’s and WOK’s. The main area of art focused to support Picasso’s quoteRead MoreThe Hands Of An Angry God1627 Words   |  7 PagesIan Burke Mr. Giles Honors American Literature 6 Feb. 2015 â€Å"Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God† and The Crucible Essay Two coarse yet uniquely fragile societies, three hundred years apart, devoured by individual ideologies that permeated belief systems, that blinded, deafened, and muted citizens, and that ultimately led to gruesome hysteria. â€Å"Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God†, written by Jonathan Edwards in the mid-1700’s, is a sermon directed to a Puritan congregation urging with orthodoxRead MoreEssay about Salem witch trials1931 Words   |  8 Pages Salem Witch Trials: Casting a spell on the people Today, the idea of seeing a witch is almost inconsequential. 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Life of Quaid E Azam After Independence Free Essays

QUAID-E-AZAM’S LIFE AFTER THE INDEPENDENCE GOVERNOR-GENERAL: Jinnah became the first Governor-General of Pakistan and president of its constituent assembly. Inaugurating the assembly on August 11, 1947, Jinnah spoke of an inclusive and pluralist democracy promising equal rights for all citizens regardless of religion, caste or creed. This address is a cause of much debate in Pakistan as, on its basis, many claim that Jinnah wanted a secular state while supporters of Islamic Pakistan assert that this speech is being taken out of context when compared to other speeches by him. We will write a custom essay sample on Life of Quaid E Azam After Independence or any similar topic only for you Order Now We should have a State in which we could live and breathe as free men and which we could develop according to our own lights and culture and where principles of Islamic social justice could find free play. The office of Governor-General was ceremonial, but Jinnah also assumed the lead of government. The first months of Pakistan’s independence were absorbed in ending the intense violence that had arisen in the wake of acrimony between Hindus and Muslims. Jinnah agreed with Indian leaders to uthoriz a swift and secure exchange of populations in the Punjab and Bengal. He visited the border regions with Indian leaders to calm people and encourage peace, and uthorize large-scale refugee camps. Despite these efforts, estimates on the death toll vary from around two hundred thousand, to over a million people. The estimated number of refugees in both countries exceeds 15 million. The then capital city of Karachi saw an explosive increase in its population owing to the large encampments of refugees, which personally affected and depressed Jinnah. In his first visit to East Pakistan, under the advice of local party leaders, Jinnah stressed that Urdu alone should be the national language; a policy that was strongly opposed by the Bengali people of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). This opposition grew after he controversially described Bengali as the language of Hindus. Jinnah uthorized force to achieve the annexation of the princely state of Kalat and suppress the insurgency in Baluchistan. He controversially accepted the accession of Junagadh—a Hindu-majority state with a Muslim ruler located in the Saurashtra peninsula, some 400 kilometres (250 mi) southeast of Pakistan—but this was annulled by Indian intervention. It is unclear if Jinnah planned or knew of the tribal invasion from Pakistan into the kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir in October 1947, but he did send his private secretary Khurshid Ahmed to observe developments in Kashmir. When informed of Kashmir’s accession to India, Jinnah deemed the accession illegitimate and ordered the Pakistani army to enter Kashmir. However, Gen. Auchinleck, the supreme commander of all British officers informed Jinnah that while India had the right to send troops to Kashmir, which had acceded to it, Pakistan did not. If Jinnah persisted, Auchinleck would remove all British officers from both sides. As Pakistan had a greater proportion of Britons holding senior command, Jinnah cancelled his order, but protested to the United Nations to intercede. The New Awakening As a result of Jinnah’s ceaseless efforts, the Muslims awakened from what Professor Baker calls (their) â€Å"unreflective silence† (in which they had so complacently basked for long decades), and to â€Å"the spiritual essence of nationality† that had existed among them for a pretty long time. Roused by the impact of successive Congress hammerings, the Muslims, as Ambedkar (principal author of independent India’s Constitution) says, â€Å"searched their social consciousness in a desperate attempt to find coherent and meaningful articulation to their cherished yearnings. To their great relief, they discovered that their sentiments of nationality had flamed into nationalism†. In addition, not only had they developed† the will to live as a â€Å"nation†, had also endowed them with a territory which they could occupy and make a State as well as a cultural home for the newly discovered nation. These two pre-requisites, as laid down by Renan, provided the Muslims with the intellectual justification for claiming a distinct nationalism (apart from Indian or Hindu nationalism) for themselves. So that when, after their long pause, the Muslims gave expression to their innermost yearnings, these turned out to be in favor of a separate Muslim nationhood and of a separate Muslim state. Demand for Pakistan –  Ã¢â‚¬Å"We are a nation† â€Å"We are a nation†, they claimed in the ever eloquent words of the Quaid-i-Azam. â€Å"We are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law, we are a nation†. The formulation of the Muslim demand for Pakistan in  1940  had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of Indian politics. On the one hand, it shattered for ever the Hindu dreams of a pseudo-Indian, in fact, Hindu empire on British exit from India: on the other, it heralded an era of Islamic renaissance and creativity in which the Indian Muslims were to be active participants. The Hindu reaction was quick, bitter, malicious. Equally hostile were the British to the Muslim demand, their hostility having stemmed from their belief that the unity of India was their main achievement and their foremost contribution. The irony was that both the Hindus and the British had not anticipated the astonishingly tremendous response that the Pakistan demand had elicited from the Muslim masses. Above all, they failed to realize how a hundred million people had suddenly become supremely conscious of their distinct nationhood and their high destiny. In channelling the course of Muslim politics towards Pakistan, no less than in directing it towards its consummation in the establishment of Pakistan in  1947, non played a more decisive role than did Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. It was his powerful advocacy of the case of Pakistan and his remarkable strategy in the delicate negotiations, that followed the formulation of the Pakistan demand, particularly in the post-war period, that made Pakistan inevitable. ILLNESS AND DEATH: The Funeral of Jinnah in 1948. Tomb of M. A. Jinnah in Karachi, Pakistan Through the 1940s, Jinnah suffered from tuberculosis; only his sister and a few others close to him were aware of his condition. In 1948, Jinnah’s health began to falter, hindered further by the heavy workload that had fallen upon him following Pakistan’s independence from British Rule. Attempting to recuperate, he spent many months at his official retreat in Ziarat. According to his sister, he suffered a hemorrhage on September 1, 1948; doctors said the altitude was not good for him and that he should be taken to Karachi. Jinnah was flown back to Karachi from Quetta. Jinnah died at 10:20 p. m. at the Governor-General’s House in Karachi on 11 September 1948, just over a year after Pakistan’s independence. It is said that when the then Viceroy of India, Lord Louis Mountbatten, learned of Jinnah’s ailment he said ‘had they known that Jinnah was about to die, they’d have postponed India’s independence by a few months as he was being inflexible on Pakistan’. Jinnah was buried in Karachi. His funeral was followed by the construction of a massive mausoleum—Dina Wadia remained in India after independence, before ultimately settling in New York City. Jinnah’s grandson, Nusli Wadia, is a prominent industrialist residing in Mumbai. In the 1963–1964 elections, Jinnah’s sister Fatima Jinnah, known as Madar-e-Millat (â€Å"Mother of the Nation†), became the presidential candidate of a coalition of political parties that opposed the rule of President Ayub Khan, but lost the election. The Jinnah House in Malabar Hill, Bombay, is in the possession of the Government of India but the issue of its ownership has been disputed by the Government of Pakistan. Jinnah had personally requested Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to preserve the house and that one day he could return to Mumbai. There are proposals for the house be offered to the Government of Pakistan to establish a consulate in the city, as a goodwill gesture, but Dina Wadia has also laid claim to the property. Recently she has been involved in litigation regarding Jinnah House claiming that Hindu Law is applicable to Jinnah as he was a Khoja Shia. LEGACY: Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Muhammad Ali Jinnah did all three. Pakistanis view Jinnah as their revered founding father, a man that was dedicated to safeguarding Muslim interests during the dying days of the British Raj. Despite any of a range of biases, it almost impossible to doubt, despite motive and manner, that there is any figure that had more influence and role in the creation of Pakistan than Jinnah. The End How to cite Life of Quaid E Azam After Independence, Essay examples

Pillars of society monologue Essay Thesis Example For Students

Pillars of society monologue Essay Thesis A monologue from the play by Henrik Ibsen NOTE: This monologue is reprinted from The Collected Works of Henrik Ibsen, vol. vi: The League of Youth/Pillars of Society. Ed. William Archer. New York: Charles Scribner\s Sons, 1912. BERNICK: I didn\t get you here to argue with you. I sent for you to tell you that the Indian Girl must be ready to sail the day after tomorrow. The day after tomorrow, do you hear? At the same time as our own ship; not an hour later. I have my reasons for hurrying the affair. Have you read this morning\s paper? Ah!then you know that the Americans have been making disturbances again. The ruffianly crew turn the whole town topsy-turvy. Not a night passes without fights in the taverns or on the street; not to speak of other abominations. And who gets the blame of all this? It is Iyes, Ithat suffer for it. These wretched newspaper-men are covertly carping at us for giving our whole attention to the Palm Tree. And I, whose mission it is to set an example to my fellow citizens, must have such things thrown in my teeth! I won\t bear it. I cannot have my name bespattered in this way. Not just now; precisely at this moment I need all the respect and goodwill of my fellow citizens, I have a gr eat undertaking in hand, as you have probably heard; and if evil-disposed persons should succeed in shaking people\s unqualified confidence in me, it may involve me in the most serious difficulties. I must silence these carping and spiteful scribblers at any cost; and that is why I give you till the day after tomorrow.